Former Senior Government Officials

10 December 2009 - The Former Senior Government Officials (FSGO) view the declaration of martial law in Maguindanao as an admission of failure by the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration in protecting the life and property of Filipino citizens through the exercise of its police powers.  It was murder in Mindanao, not rebellion.  Being staunch allies of the Arroyo administration, it is incredible for the Maguindanao leaders to go against that administration.

We are concerned that under the declaration of martial law, the national government may take actions against the perpetrators of the Maguindano massacre, that may be successfully challenged in the Supreme Court and allow the murderers to go scot free on legal technicalities.  While seemingly answering the public clamor for justice for the victims, the Arroyo administration may be laying the foundation for justice to be denied.   

The Former Senior Government Officials (FSGO), an organization of some eighty men and women who served under different administrations from Diosdado Macapagal to the present, has today proposed do-able reforms for the country’s next President.

On October 1, FSGO sent letters of invitation to all persons who have announced their intention to seek the presidency in the 2010 elections. We offered to brief them on the reform proposals.

FSGO’s Do-Ables Blueprint outlines certain critical reforms to be undertaken by the new President and his/her cabinet within their first year. The specific reforms proposed in the Blueprint take an open bias for issues that provide the base for other reforms, have a direct beneficial impact on the poor, and aim to strengthen basic democratic institutions.

Dear Presidential Aspirant,

The Former Senior Government Officials (FSGO) hereby offers to share with you, among intending candidates for President, our proposal for good governance reform, entitled, “A Do-Able Blueprint for Good Governance Reform: What a Good President and His/Her Cabinet Can Do Within the First Year of Office.”

FSGO is composed of individuals who served in government as senior officials at Cabinet and sub-Cabinet levels under six presidential administrations over the past forty years. Our members became drawn to band and to work together, pro bono, out of a shared commitment to the welfare and future of our country and people.

While knowing that many challenges will face the country’s next president, there are do-able, concrete and practical actions that could be pursued immediately by the next President if he or she is serious about instituting reforms. FSGO’s Do-Able Blueprint outlines some critical reforms to be undertaken by the new President and his/her cabinet within their first year. The  specific reforms proposed in this Blueprint take an open bias for issues that provide the base for other reforms, have a direct beneficial impact on the poor and aim to strengthen basic democratic institutions.

The Former Senior Government Officials (FSGO) announce their completion of a proposal it is offering to all presidential aspirants - “A Do-Able Blueprint for Good Governance Reform: What a Good President and His/Her Cabinet Can Do Within the First Year of Office.”

FSGO is composed of individuals who served in government as senior officials at Cabinet and sub-Cabinet levels under six presidential administrations over the past forty years. FSGO members were drawn to band and work together out of a shared commitment to the welfare and future of our country and people.

FSGO’s Do-Able Blueprint outlines what we consider critical and immediate reforms that should be undertaken within the first year of a new responsive government after the 2010 elections.

On the 40th day of Pres. Cory Aquino's death, let us remember that one of the last major battles waged by Cory was in her support for the truth on the NBN-ZTE controversy. The NBN-ZTE scandal was also one of the main reasons for the formation of the Former Senior Government Officials (FSGO).

We want to make sure that what Cory fought for - exacting accountability on a flagrant example of abuse of power by this administration - will not be forgotten.

After a long drawn out investigation on this case by the Senate and the Ombudsman, including supposed public hearings, there are more questions that remain unanswered. This has given rise to the perception that there are more efforts to cover up rather than get to the truth.

In a recent letter circulated by Mr. Jun Lozada on the internet, he raised the following questions:

1. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit yung office of the Executive Secretary ang nag-utos kay Atienza na kailangan kong umalis?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would the office of the Executive Secretary order (DENR Secretary Lito) Atienza to make me leave?

2. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit kumilos ang PSG (Presidential Security Group) at sina Atutubo na dukutin ako sa airport?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would the Presidential Security Group and the people of (NAIA Deputy General Manager Angel) Atutubo abduct me at the airport?

3. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit ako tatawagan ni Atienza upang sabihan na maghintay lang ako at kakausapin lang niya si MAM at si ES?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would (DENR Secretary Lito) Atienza phone me to wait for him to speak to MAM and to ES (Executive Secretary Eduardo) Ermita?

4. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit hanggang ngayon sa records ng Bureau of Immigration ako ay WALA pa sa Pilipinas?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would Bureau of Immigration records state to this day that I have NOT yet returned to the Philippines?

5. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit dalawang araw na ako binigay sa pulis ay sinasabi pa rin ng dating Chief PNP na si Razon na hindi nya alam kung nasaan ako?
If not for GMA and FG, why would former PNP Chief Razon say that he did not know where I was, when the police already had me in their custody for two days?

6. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit pupunta sa akin si Mike Defensor at sasabihing nasasaktan na si MAM?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would Mike Defensor come to tell me that I was already hurting MAM?

7. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit ako padadalhan ni Manny Gaite ng kalahating milyong piso?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would (Deputy Executive Secretary) Manny Gaite send me half a million pesos?

8. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit ako pinag-fax ng sulat ko sa opisina ni Medy Poblador?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would I be asked to fax my letter to the office of (Presidential Assistant for Special Concerns) Medy Poblador?

9. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit kailangan pa ni Neri ng executive privilege na pinagtibay pa ng korte suprema?
If not because of GMA and FG, why would it be necessary to give (Former NEDA Director General, now SSS President Romulo) Neri executive privilege that was even reinforced by the supreme court?

10. Kung hindi dahil kay GMA at FG bakit ang mga kaso laban sa akin ay patong patong samantalang yung iisang kaso sinampa ko sa kanila ay nasa preliminary investigation pa rin mahigit isang taon na nakaraan?
If not because of GMA and FG, why have numerous cases been filed against me while the one case I filed against them over a year ago is still under preliminary investigation?

We should all continue to demand for answers to Mr. Lozada's questions.

The Ombudsman has already absolved GMA and FG. Is the Senate going to do the same?

Part 1

 

Part 2

 

Many questions, fears and concerns have been raised in the last few months over the controversial automation of the May 2010 elections. Experts and non-experts alike are raising doubts about the integrity of the system, which the Commission on Elections has adopted, as well as its adherence to the law on automation passed by Congress.

There are legitimate fears about the source code for the Precinct Counting Optical Scanners (PCOS), a tightly-guarded secret known only to the foreign company to which the COMELEC awarded the automation contract.  That source code, which is the set of instructions installed in the machine to ensure the security of the count, canvass and electronic transmission of the results, must be released to and reviewed by PPCRV, NAMFREL, media quick-count organizations and the political parties soonest, so that doubts about manipulated results can be allayed.